A micro-typology of progressive (and continuous) aspect marking in Sinitic

Compared with other aspects of grammar, the aspectual systems of Sinitic languages have received relatively more scholarly attention (see e.g. Chappell 1992, Rao 2011, Ding & Rong 2022). Nevertheless, sample-wise, the existing studies are, generally speaking, neither balanced nor comprehensive; goal-wise, they aim at providing a descriptive account in general, rather than a typological and/or historical analysis. Moreover, the distinction between progressive and continuous aspect is often not clearly distinguished in the literature. In this paper, we present the results of a first pilot study of progressive aspect marking, based on a “phenomenon-based” sample (Miestamo 2025) of 41 Sinitic varieties that employ the 在 zài-type progressive (i.e. a marker seemingly cognate to Standard Mandarin 在 zài ‘be at’, ‘at’, ‘PROG’). We conceive this pilot study as a first step in developing an exhaustive typology of progressive marking constructions in Sinitic. In this study, we observe four different marking patterns: (I) preverbal single marking; (II) post-VP single marking; (III) verb suffix; (IV) preverbal and postverbal double marking (see the examples on the next page). After illustrating the morpho-syntactic strategies found in our sample, we shall discuss the typological patterns and areal distribution sources for those constructions, and their pathways of grammaticalization. Also, we shall offer comparative remarks with Sinitic languages adopting other ‘be.at’ verbs as markers of progressive aspect, as well as the parallel ‘be.at’ + locative marker construction. The main conclusions of our survey are:

1. Preverbal 在 zài-type markers are dedicated markers of progressive aspect, while the semantics of post-VP 在 zài-type markers are clearly more complex, and involve both progressive and continuous aspect, as well as modal semantics, in different combinations, depending on the individual variety.
2. There appears to be a skewed areal distribution of different patterns: the post-VP pattern is clearly more common in Central Sinitic dialects south of the Yangtze river, with the exception of parts of Gan. Also, if we look at the east-west divide, Jianghuai Mandarin varieties appear to be moving from their ‘native’ Type II towards the Northern Mandarin Type I, passing through the transitional double marking pattern (Type IV).
3. There are two possible pathways of grammaticalization for在 zài-type markers: from a locative schema to progressive (preverbal), and from a verb REMAIN to a continuous/progressive aspect marker (post-VP). As for the latter, we argue that, in Sinitic, rather than a straightforward evolution from REMAIN to continuous aspect marking, we see a more complex evolution towards multiple related aspectual and modal meaning.
4. Some dialects have post-VP 在 zài-type compound continuous aspect markers with a locative morpheme, which may be argued to be the product of the evolution of a post-VP locative schema.