Abstract
Scholars have long identified the pivotal importance of business-led governance in the Hong Kong and Macau Special Administrative Regions (SAR) of China. Both are governed under a “one country, two systems” arrangement which in theory provides autonomy. However, this identical formula has resulted in very different trajectories, as the coalition in Hong Kong has failed to serve as an effective intermediary between the state and society amidst a series of governing crises, whereas the one in Macau has been largely successful in maintaining political stability. This article argues that a new class of elites in Macau has emerged and competes for political influence by building communal networks and mobilizing social support. In contrast, a relatively static elite structure in Hong Kong has done little to adapt to changing political circumstances.
| Original language | English |
|---|---|
| Pages (from-to) | 44-66 |
| Number of pages | 23 |
| Journal | Critical Asian Studies |
| Volume | 52 |
| Issue number | 1 |
| DOIs | |
| Publication status | Published - 2 Jan 2020 |
Keywords
- China
- co-optation
- governing coalition
- Hong Kong
- Macau
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One formula, different trajectories : China’s coalition-building and elite dynamics in Hong Kong and Macau. / Wong, Mathew Y.H.; Kwong, Ying ho.
In: Critical Asian Studies, Vol. 52, No. 1, 02.01.2020, p. 44-66.Research output: Contribution to journal › Article › peer-review
TY - JOUR
T1 - One formula, different trajectories
T2 - China’s coalition-building and elite dynamics in Hong Kong and Macau
AU - Wong, Mathew Y.H.
AU - Kwong, Ying ho
N1 - Funding Information: Research for this paper was funded by an internal research grant of the Education University of Hong Kong. We would like to thank two anonymous reviewers and Robert Shepherd, the editor of Critical Asian Studies, for their comments and suggestions on earlier versions of this paper. We also want to express our appreciation to Wing-yung Lai for research assistance. Any remaining errors are our own. Funding Information: Name Affiliation (Year of establishment) Position Chan Meng-kam (elected in 2005, 2009, 2013) Macao Fujian Fellow General Association澳門福建同鄉總會 (1991) President Macao Lotus Cultural Association澳門蓮藝文化協會 (1997) Vice-president Macao Matsu Foundation澳門中華媽祖基金會 (1998) President of Executive Council and vice-president of Board of Directors Macau Lion Dance Sports Association 澳門龍師運動總會 (2000) Vice-president Macau Tourism Culture Research Association 澳門旅遊文化研究會 (2002) President Macao Region China Council for the Promotion of Peaceful National Reunification澳門地區中國和平統一促進會 (2004) Vice-chairman Macao Tong Chai Charity Association 澳門同濟慈善會 (2006) Director Hu Nan Friendship General Association of Macao澳門湖南聯誼總會 (2009) Chairman Macau Association of Moutai Culture 澳門茅台文化協會 (2014) Supervisor Chan Meng Kam Foundation 陳明金基金會 (2014) Chairman United Citizens Association of Macau 民眾建澳聯盟 (2008) Founder Ung Choi Kun (elected in 2005, 2009) Association of Property Agents and Realty Developers of Macau 澳門房地產聯合商會 (1993) Chairman Macao Matsu Foundation 澳門中華媽祖基金會 (1998) Director Macao Region China Council for the Promotion of Peaceful National Reunification澳門地區中國和平統一促進會 (2004) Vice-chairman Macao Kings Court Building Owners’ Association 澳門金賢閣大廈業主會 (2008) Director Hu Nan Friendship General Association of Macao 澳門湖南聯誼總會 (2009) Vice-chairman Macao Sui Xie Association 澳門穗協聯誼會 (2009) Vice-chairman Macao Fujian Welfare Communal Association福建福利同鄉會 (2012) Vice-chairman Kai Ping City Friendship Association開平市海外聯誼會 (2011) Vice-chairman Green-Wave Swimming Club綠波游泳會 (1996) Vice-chairman Ha Mun Friendship General Association of Macao澳門廈門聯誼總會 (2007) Founder United Citizens Association of Macau 民眾建澳聯盟 (2008) Founder Si Ka Lon (elected in 2013, 2017) United Citizens Association of Macau 民眾建澳聯盟 (2008) President Chinese Youth Advancement Association 中華青年進步協會 (2005) Founder Macao Youth Association 澳門青年聯合會 (2006) Vice-president Inspirational Youth Association 勵志青年會 (2010) Vice-president Fukien Youth Federation of Macao澳門福建青年聯會 (1999) Vice-president Macao Air Express Container Association澳門航空快遞貨運協會 (2002) President Macao ASEAN International Chamber of Commerce澳門東盟國際商會 (2009) Vice-president Mak Soi Kun (elected in 2009, 2013, 2017) Macao Jiangmen Communal Society 澳門江門同鄉會 (2002) Vice-president Macao Association of Environmental Protection Industry澳門環境保護產業協會 (2003) Chairman Macao Region China Council for the Promotion of Peaceful National Reunification中國和平統一促進會 (2004) Director Union of Macau Scholars澳門學者同盟 (2006) Vice-president Macau Construction Association 澳門建造商會 (2000) President Zheng Anting (elected in 2013, 2017) Macao Jiangmen Communal Society 澳門江門同鄉會 (2002) Vice-president Inspirational Youth Association 勵志青年會 (2010) Vice-president Leong On Kei (elected in 2005, 2009, 2013, 2017) Macao Sam Soi Communal Society 澳門三水同鄉會 (1949) President (since 2010), Honorary President (2006–2010) Macao Motorsports Club澳門機動運動俱樂部 (1998) Director Macau Dance Sport Federation澳門體育舞蹈總會 (2001) President Alliance for Macau Development澳門發展聯盟 (2006) President General Association of Administrators and Promoters for Macau Gaming Industry澳門博彩業管理暨中介人總會 (2004) President Macau Social Services Centre澳門社會服務中心 (2007) President Federation of Macau Sport |General Association中國澳門體育總會聯合會 (2008) Vice-president Macau Religious and Cultural Exchange Association澳門宗教文化交流協會(2010) President Chan Melinda Mei Yi (elected in 2009, 2013) Sin Meng Charity Association善明會 (2002) Chairman Macao Zhuhai Communal Society澳門珠海社團聯合總會 (2000) President General Association of Chinese Opera and Art Musician of Macau澳門粵劇曲藝總會 (2004) President Authors’ analysis based on the information provided by the property declaration in the Court of Macao. List of affiliations is provided by the property declaration in the Court of Macao, accessed October 29, 2016 ( http://www.court.gov.mo/zh/subpage/property-search?NameC=&NameP=&Dept=&lawcategory=2&filter-search=%E6%90%9C%E5%B0%8B ). The success of this strategy is reflected in recent direct elections, both in terms of votes and seat share, as shown in Figure 3 . New elites increased their vote share from twenty-six percent in 2005 to forty-four percent in 2013, when they won seven of fourteen elected seats. In particular, Chan Meng-kam and his team, supported by the Macau Fujian Fellow General Association, won three seats in 2013 and received approximately 27,000 votes, an increase of fifty-five percent from 2009. Another example is the Macau Jiangmen Communal Society led by Mak Soi-kun, a construction tycoon. Mak and his list won two seats in 2013 and over 16,000 votes (a sixty percent increase from 2009). Finally, both Leong On-kei and Chan Mei-yi (wives of casino tycoons Stanley Ho and Chow Kam-fai, respectively) won seats in 2009 and 2013. Figure 3. Results for New and Traditional Elites in Macau Direct Elections. Following Kwong ( 2017 ), new elites = Chan Meng-kam, Mak Soi-kun, Leong On-kei, and Chan Meng-yi and their lists; traditional elites = Union for Development led by the MFTU and the Union for Promoting Progress led by the GNA. Authors’ analysis based on election results of Legislative Assembly. Accessed July 17, 2017 ( http://www.eal.gov.mo/zh_tw/result_2017.html ). These cases are distinctive in two key areas, the emergence of this group of new elites and their creation and utilization of social organizations as their main campaign tool. This is in sharp contrast to traditional elites who rely on a handful of traditional associations and are less geared towards network building and political mobilization. In Macau’s 2017 local elections, the new elites obtained more than thirty-five percent of total votes. The creation and emergence of these new social groups has complemented traditional associations, which are in decline. 45 Their diminishing influence can be put down to their conservative image and apparent incompatibility with working-class interests, disconnection from the middle-class and educated young people, and failure to win over new residents. 46 As shown in Figure 3 , their vote share dropped from approximately thirty percent in 2001 to nineteen percent in 2013, with a corresponding decrease in seats. These figures show that communal associations led by new elites have gradually replaced traditional labor and social associations as primary vehicles for maintaining social support and mobilization in Macau. Despite being excluded from key political institutions, new elites have found a way to gain political capital. However, their influence is not reflected in Macau’s Legislative Assembly (where they currently hold only seven of thirty-three seats) or the Executive Council (in which they have had only one member since 2009), further reinforcing the view that the central and MSAR governments have yet to adjust their coalition. In contrast to Hong Kong elites (such as Li Ka-shing, mentioned above), elites in Macau depend almost exclusively on the central government to flourish. Ma Iao-lai, the President of the Macau Chamber of Commerce and a key representative of the traditional elites, has stated that Macau residents should follow the Basic Law and promote OCTS. 47 Chan Meng-kam, the pro-casino legislator, has expressed gratitude to the central government for boosting tourism arrivals from the mainland and hence the casino industry. 48 These examples illustrate that economic nationalism, especially among business elites, is an important aspect of social stability in Macau. Publisher Copyright: © 2019, © 2019 BCAS, Inc.
PY - 2020/1/2
Y1 - 2020/1/2
N2 - Scholars have long identified the pivotal importance of business-led governance in the Hong Kong and Macau Special Administrative Regions (SAR) of China. Both are governed under a “one country, two systems” arrangement which in theory provides autonomy. However, this identical formula has resulted in very different trajectories, as the coalition in Hong Kong has failed to serve as an effective intermediary between the state and society amidst a series of governing crises, whereas the one in Macau has been largely successful in maintaining political stability. This article argues that a new class of elites in Macau has emerged and competes for political influence by building communal networks and mobilizing social support. In contrast, a relatively static elite structure in Hong Kong has done little to adapt to changing political circumstances.
AB - Scholars have long identified the pivotal importance of business-led governance in the Hong Kong and Macau Special Administrative Regions (SAR) of China. Both are governed under a “one country, two systems” arrangement which in theory provides autonomy. However, this identical formula has resulted in very different trajectories, as the coalition in Hong Kong has failed to serve as an effective intermediary between the state and society amidst a series of governing crises, whereas the one in Macau has been largely successful in maintaining political stability. This article argues that a new class of elites in Macau has emerged and competes for political influence by building communal networks and mobilizing social support. In contrast, a relatively static elite structure in Hong Kong has done little to adapt to changing political circumstances.
KW - China
KW - co-optation
KW - governing coalition
KW - Hong Kong
KW - Macau
UR - http://www.scopus.com/inward/record.url?scp=85076436910&partnerID=8YFLogxK
U2 - 10.1080/14672715.2019.1696689
DO - 10.1080/14672715.2019.1696689
M3 - Article
AN - SCOPUS:85076436910
SN - 1467-2715
VL - 52
SP - 44
EP - 66
JO - Critical Asian Studies
JF - Critical Asian Studies
IS - 1
ER -